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Lampe · PJD

Parti de la Justice et du Développement

حزب العدالة والتنمية

National results

seats

54

13.7% · 395

·

Circonscriptions
44
Listes régionales
10
Score
14.6%

Member parties

  • PJD

Leadership & parliamentary role

Leadership

Abdelilah Benkirane

Parliamentary role

Opposition

Seats by region

2026–2031 manifesto

Official electoral manifesto of the Justice and Development Party (PJD) for Morocco's 2026 legislative elections. Structured around five key strategic axes, it prioritizes strengthening identity and family welfare, advancing democratic reform and anti-corruption measures, overhauling public healthcare and education while recalibrating social safety nets, building a productive economy that curbs oligopolies and empowers small businesses, and projecting national sovereignty and economic diplomacy.

Key pledges

Creation of a youth marriage support fundInsufficient data

الأسرة والشباب

insufficient data. Creating an administrative fund is legally possible in five years, but the promise does not state who would qualify, the age or income criteria, the grant or loan form and amount, annual envelope, funding source, delivery body, or intended scale. Reporting on the programme likewise notes the absence of the benefit amount, conditions and funding sources. These omissions prevent a defensible assessment of whether a meaningful nationwide marriage-support fund can be financed and administered; they do not prove that it is impossible.

Mandatory family mediation prior to judicial litigationHard

العدالة وقضاء الأسرة

difficult to achieve within five years. Morocco has a legal and institutional starting point: the Family Code already requires reconciliation attempts in proceedings ending a marriage, and the Ministry of Justice has identified a non-judicial conciliation and mediation body as a reform option. But the Ministry also reported that Family Justice Sections use divergent approaches that often fail, while in June 2026 it was still preparing a new bill to expand mediation. The promise goes further than the existing reconciliation practice: it requires a nationwide, compulsory and safeguarded pre-litigation service for all eligible family disputes, plus unspecified proximity centres. This can be delivered within five years, but only with early legislation, substantial implementation capacity and dedicated funding; the programme supplies none of the scale, staffing or cost parameters needed to show that full rollout is on track.

Introduction of a voluntary youth civil servicePossible

الشباب والعمل التطوعي

achievable. Morocco already operates the national Moutatawi programme, launched in 2023, combining training with field volunteering and designed to mobilise more than 5,000 young people from all regions. Building a more formal voluntary civil-service scheme from this existing delivery base is realistic within five years. However, the pledge provides no cohort size, mission length, stipend, insurance arrangement or budget, so it does not establish the feasibility of a large-scale service.

Enactment of the new law governing the CCMEPossible

مغاربة العالم

achievable. The promised deliverable is enactment of one law, rather than completion of all diaspora-policy outcomes. The Constitution establishes the CCME as a constitutional institution, and the 6 November 2024 Royal Speech expressly called for expedited adoption of its new law and for representative composition. The unresolved issues—representation across countries of residence and the allocation of functions alongside the Mohammedia Foundation—can delay agreement, but no evidence identifies a five-year legal or fiscal impossibility.

Establishment of a dedicated government department for Moroccans abroadPossible

الهيكلة الحكومية ومغاربة العالم

achievable within the 2026-2031 term. Article 87 allows a government composed of the Head of Government and ministers and permits secretaries of state. In March 2026, official government communication still placed MRE affairs inside the combined Ministry of Foreign Affairs, African Cooperation and Moroccans Residing Abroad, so the necessary remit and administrative base already exist. Separating that remit into a dedicated department is principally an institutional and budgetary reallocation, not a nationwide construction programme. It would not by itself demonstrate better coordination or service outcomes.

Abolition of the current electoral quotient systemPossible

المنظومة الانتخابية

achievable. Article 84 uses a quotient based on registered voters divided by seats in the constituency. The Constitutional Court held in 2021 that the Constitution contains no explicit rule prescribing the calculation method and that this choice falls within the organic legislator’s discretion. Replacing the denominator with valid votes is thus legally possible through an organic-law amendment, although it requires political agreement, both chambers’ approval and constitutional review.

Automatic voter registration using the national ID cardHard

اللوائح الانتخابية

difficult to achieve within five years. The present system remains based on citizens applying and updating or transferring their registration after a change of address. The finalised lists contained 15,801,162 voters on 10 July 2026. Automatic registration is technically conceivable within a term, but it requires a sensitive redesign of electoral law and nationwide data-quality, residence-allocation, notification and appeal processes. The evidence does not establish that CNIE addresses and other source data are sufficiently current for automatic constituency assignment.

Enactment of a public consultation lawPossible

الديمقراطية التشاركية

achievable. The Constitution already provides for civil-society participation in public decisions and for consultation bodies on public policies. The General Secretariat of the Government also operates a public-comment mechanism for draft legislative and regulatory texts. A consultation law would therefore formalize and standardize an existing constitutional and administrative direction. Political agreement and meaningful compliance, especially publication of reasoned responses, remain material uncertainties.

Mandatory sponsor disclosure for digital political advertisingHard

الشفافية الانتخابية

difficult to achieve within five years. Enacting a disclosure rule is feasible in one term, but the promise goes beyond changing a single formula: it requires workable sponsor identification, an auditable disclosure record and enforcement involving foreign platforms. The law in force as of 29 January 2026 instead penalizes paid political or electoral advertising on foreign platforms; it does not itself establish a public sponsor-disclosure system. This provides a relevant legal starting point, but not the operational system promised.

Binding deadlines for public administrations to execute judicial judgmentsPossible

العدالة وتنفيذ الأحكام

achievable within one term. Article 126 of the Constitution already makes final judgments binding and requires public authorities to assist their execution. A statutory deadline and monitoring package is therefore legally straightforward; an official Justice Ministry platform already tracks execution files against public-law bodies. The material obstacle is budget execution, not legislative competence: the Court of Auditors documented that public accountants often reported no seizable liquidity and that delays generated additional costs. The verdict concerns adoption of binding deadlines, not proof that every judgment will be paid on time.

Full rollout of digital courts by the end of 2030Hard

رقمنة العدالة

difficult to achieve within five years. Official evidence confirms meaningful digital-justice progress—professional platforms, electronic exchanges, online services and a new platform planned in 2026—but it also shows that distinct processes are still being digitized separately. From 8 September 2026 to 31 December 2030, the maximum available period is about 4.31 years. Reaching an end-to-end, legally valid digital-court standard across the relevant jurisdictions in that period requires exceptionally coordinated legal, technical, procurement, cybersecurity and change-management delivery. The candidate figures for the total number of sites and a dedicated digital-court budget were not independently verified here, so they are not used as decisive evidence.

Enactment of a comprehensive conflict of interest lawPossible

محاربة الفساد والنزاهة

achievable. Article 36 requires statutory sanctions for conflict-of-interest offences. Candidate A’s claim of a long-standing legal gap is relevant, but it does not by itself establish a five-year delivery barrier. Candidate B’s decisive point is supported by INPPLC evidence: a government draft was referred to the authority in September 2023, and its opinion addressed definitions, disclosures, recusal, publication and sanctions. Passing a robust law still requires political agreement on scope and enforceability, but the drafting work and constitutional basis make one enacted statute feasible within the term.

Criminalisation of illicit enrichmentHard

محاربة الفساد والشفافية

difficult to achieve within five years. The objective is legislatively possible, but the evidence supports both candidates’ caution. Bill 10.16, deposited in 2016, was withdrawn in October 2021. As of June 2026, the Justice Committee postponed examination of two illicit-enrichment proposals. INPPLC’s work shows that a credible offence requires a full design for scope, proof, investigation and sanctions, rather than a short drafting change. This history does not make enactment impossible by 2031, but it makes the political and legal path materially harder than ordinary legislation.

Enactment of a public servant whistleblower protection lawPossible

حماية المبلغين والنزاهة

achievable. Morocco already has criminal-procedure protections for informants in corruption matters and a reporting mechanism at the INPPLC. However, the INPPLC and OECD material identifies a gap in administrative and economic protection against professional retaliation. Draft Bill No. 61.20 was the subject of an INPPLC opinion published on 30 November 2023. Enacting a targeted statute within one five-year term is realistic, but effective protection would depend on enforceable anti-retaliation rules and operational reporting and remedy mechanisms, not merely adoption of a text.

Elimination of the distinction between pioneer schools and standard public schoolsPossible

التعليم المدرسي

achievable. The Ministry states that primary-school rollout has been expanding by about 2,000 additional schools annually since 2024–2025, with full primary coverage targeted by the 2027–2028 school year. That target lies within the 2026–2031 term, and formally removing a separate label is administratively less demanding than the rollout itself. However, the official source is a target rather than proof of completion, and it does not publish the remaining-school count or unit cost; comparable learning outcomes across every school cannot be inferred.

Abolition of the 35-year age limit for teacher recruitmentPossible

التوظيف في التعليم

achievable. The operative 2025 CRMEF rule was an under-35 age condition, while the public-service framework provides a 45-year ceiling for the relevant higher grades. Restoring eligibility up to that ceiling is a bounded regulatory change that can be delivered in one recruitment cycle. It does not itself create teaching posts, although the number of additional applicants and any selection workload are not published.

Gradual increase of scientific research funding to 1.5% of GDPHard

البحث العلمي والتعليم العالي

difficult to achieve within five years. Applying 1.5% to HCP’s 2025 nominal GDP of MAD 1,720.201 billion implies about MAD 25.803 billion per year at that GDP level. GDP is likely to change by 2031, so the nominal amount required would change too. The latest World Bank/UNESCO UIS series available for Morocco reports 0.66% for 2010, which is too old to establish a current baseline; consequently, the current funding gap cannot be calculated. Even so, reaching and sustaining a target of this scale within one term would require an exceptional and durable mobilisation of finance and delivery capacity. The ambiguity between total R&D and State funding is material.

Exclusive restriction of free AMO Tadamon care to public healthcare facilitiesHard

التغطية الصحية والقطاع العام

difficult to achieve within five years. The State already pays AMO-Tadamon contributions and covers the beneficiary co-payment for care delivered in public facilities, so the pledge’s exact scope needs legal clarification. A broader exclusive-public arrangement would affect a scheme with 11.44 million beneficiaries and about MAD 9.08 billion of recorded 2024 benefit consumption. Public primary-care capacity is substantial but finite: 3,065 facilities were reported. Delivering the restriction without reducing access or extending waits requires sustained capacity and operational changes beyond a simple legal decision.

Abolition of health coverage suspension for chronic and critical illness patientsPossible

التأمين الصحي والحماية الاجتماعية

achievable within 2026-2031, but only as a tightly defined continuity-of-care rule. The CESE confirms that Article 32 of Law 65.00 already protects private-sector salaried and retired insured people with long-duration, disabling or very costly conditions despite unpaid contributions, and says an implementing text is needed to extend its application beyond that group. This supports Candidate B’s core point. However, the evidence does not publish the number or cost of eligible patients, and it does not establish that the existing exception automatically covers emergencies or AMO-Tadamon card/status changes. Candidate A’s claim of a quantified multi-billion-dirham cost is therefore not verifiable from the available evidence.

Extension of mandatory health insurance coverage to parentsPossible

التغطية الصحية الشاملة

achievable within 2026-2031, but not costed. Current Law 65.00 already permits an insured person to extend AMO to a father and mother provided the insured pays their contribution, with the rate set by decree. The earlier Bill 63.16 shows that Morocco has already drafted a model closer to the promise: it would treat qualifying parents as dependants and fund the resulting cost through a revised contribution rate. Therefore, the legal and administrative operation is feasible in one term. Neither the programme nor the evidence provides the eligible-parent baseline, contribution rate, or actuarial cost, so affordability and the distribution of the contribution burden remain material uncertainties rather than proof of infeasibility.

Exclusion of basic utility consumption from the Unified Social Registry scorePossible

الحماية الاجتماعية والاستهداف

achievable. The RSU already calculates a socio-economic score from several household criteria, including expenditure-related criteria, and its official operating framework provides for data updates, appeals and score recalculation. Direct social assistance is already administered through an eligibility threshold based on that score. Changing the treatment of a defined input is administratively feasible within five years, although the number of newly eligible households and the fiscal cost cannot be estimated from the pledge.

Capping profit margins of fuel import and distribution companiesHard

أسعار المحروقات وحماية المستهلك

The system could be established in 2026–2031, but not through a temporary emergency measure alone. The law provides a durable route to regulate prices and then set them through a margin, subject to consultation and implementing acts. Monitoring already exists but does not cover the whole market. The challenge is auditing costs, updating the formula, and protecting supply.

Restarting the SAMIR oil refineryHard

السيادة الطاقية والصناعية

difficult to achieve within five years. SAMIR has remained subject to judicial liquidation since 2016, and the AMMC still records a court process for selling all assets. A reported takeover offer was rejected by the Casablanca Commercial Court on 27 February 2026. This leaves the ownership and financing bottleneck unresolved at the start of the term. A five-year restart is not impossible, but it requires several high-risk legal, financial and engineering steps to be completed early and in sequence.

Ban on holding sports federation leadership alongside public and political officePossible

الحكامة الرياضية ومحاربة تضارب المصالح

achievable. The measure requires legislation and enforceable governance rules rather than a major capital programme. The ministry is already revising the Law 30-09 framework and has experience approving federation statutes: 48 statutes were approved and 52 of 57 federations were reported current with annual general meetings. Broad incompatibilities must nevertheless be precisely defined, proportionate and accompanied by transition, disclosure and enforcement arrangements.

Removal of the single-client turnover cap for auto-entrepreneursPossible

المقاول الذاتي والتشغيل

achievable. The 2023 tax rules apply a 30% final withholding tax to the part of a service auto-entrepreneur’s annual turnover above MAD 80,000 with the same client. Repealing that rule is a discrete tax-law change that can take effect at the beginning of a tax year. It may reduce receipts and weaken an anti-abuse safeguard, but those policy trade-offs do not make delivery within five years infeasible.

Replacing livestock import exemptions with direct subsidies for small local herdersPossible

الفلاحة ودعم الكسابة

achievable. Ending the remaining exemptions is administratively and legally feasible: 2026 measures are time-limited and use Finance Act and customs instruments. Morocco has also demonstrated a direct-aid delivery system, with nearly MAD 5.2 billion paid to about 1.1 million herders after livestock identification. The promise’s financing claim is uncertain, however: restored duties and VAT receipts depend on import volumes, prices and applicable rates, none of which establishes that they would finance a meaningful aid programme. Delivery therefore requires a general-budget backstop and management of possible food-price effects.

Mandatory 100% treated wastewater reuse for municipal green space irrigationHard

الماء والبيئة

difficult to achieve within five years within 2026-2031. At end-2024, only 223 of 385 urban centres had both a sewerage network and a wastewater-treatment plant; reuse in green spaces and golf courses was reported in only 16 municipalities, totaling about 53 million m³ in 2024. The 2025-2034 national programme budgets MAD 56 billion for 694 new sanitation and reuse projects, which demonstrates ongoing capacity but also a delivery horizon extending beyond 2031. The promise does not define “medium” and “large” municipalities or whether 100% refers to all treated volume or all green-space irrigation demand. Under the stricter, volume-based reading, tertiary treatment, reuse networks and reliable off-take across the covered municipalities make full compliance by 2031 difficult. These data do not prove impossibility.

Applying the highest corporate tax rate to oligopolistic sectorsPossible

العدالة الجبائية والشركات الاحتكارية

achievable within the term. Morocco’s corporate-tax framework already applies differentiated rates: from financial years opening on or after 1 January 2026, the general rate is 20% below MAD 100 million of net taxable profit and 35% at or above that threshold, while credit institutions, similar bodies, Bank Al-Maghrib, CDG and insurers are at 40%. A finance-law amendment can extend a defined top rate to other sectors without new collection infrastructure. The substantive difficulty is not timing but a defensible definition of “oligopolistic sector” that avoids arbitrary firm-by-firm treatment. The promise sets no revenue target, so missing tax-base data prevents a revenue forecast but does not make enactment infeasible.

Reinstating the 10% corporate tax rate for profits under 300,000 MADPossible

الضرائب والمقاولات الصغرى

achievable. The current General Tax Code applies a 20% corporate-tax rate below MAD 100 million of net profit, which includes profits below MAD 300,000. Reinstating a 10% rate would require a Finance Act amendment, a mechanism Morocco has used to revise corporate-tax rates. It would create a permanent tax expenditure, however, and the programme supplies neither the taxable-profit base concerned nor an offsetting measure; its dirham cost cannot be responsibly verified.

Establishment of specialized economic diplomacy units in embassiesPossible

الدبلوماسية الاقتصادية

achievable. This is an organisational and staffing measure within an existing diplomatic network, not a commitment to open new embassies or deliver a specified export result. The Foreign Ministry reports 104 diplomatic representations and 57 consular posts, while Morocco already has a 2025–2027 foreign-trade roadmap focused on export support and international-market promotion. The programme does not specify the number of priority markets, staff, unit mandates or dedicated funding, so delivery quality cannot be quantified. Nevertheless, no verified legal, capacity or fiscal barrier makes creating units in an unspecified subset of existing embassies infeasible within five years.